In 2015, British journalist Tim Marshall published Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Tell You Everything You Need to Know About Global Politics. This book breaks the globe into ten regions, analyzing how geographical features like rivers, mountains, and seas influence political decisions, military strategies, and economic development. Tim Marshall is praised for making a complex topic accessible and engaging. However, his book also faces criticism for certain omissions. Critics point out that by focusing solely on geography, Marshall sometimes neglects other significant factors in political decision-making. In any case, it is useful to learn from the ideas in Prisoners of Geography.
Below, there is a summary of the sixth chapter of the book, which focuses on the Middle East. You can find all available summaries of this book at the links below:
- Chapter 1 (Russia)
- Chapter 2 (China)
- Chapter 3 (United States)
- Chapter 4 (Western Europe)
- Chapter 5 (Africa)
- Chapter 6 (Middle East)
Africa’s coastline boasts stunning beaches but lacks effective natural harbors, a contrast to its remarkable rivers, which are often disrupted by waterfalls, hindering transport. These geographical challenges contribute to why Africa lags behind Western Europe and North America in technology and politics. Despite being the cradle of Homo sapiens, Africa’s development was isolated due to geographical barriers like the Sahara Desert and surrounding oceans. This isolation was unique to Africa, differentiating it from the Eurasian landmass where ideas and technologies were exchanged more fluidly.
The perception of Africa’s geography is often skewed due to the use of standard Mercator world maps, which distort its true size. Africa is significantly larger than it appears on these maps, being three times the size of the USA and fourteen times larger than Greenland. Its enormity is underscored by the fact that several major countries, including the USA, China, and various European nations, could fit within its borders with room to spare.
Africa’s geography can be broadly divided into two segments. The top third encompasses the North African Arabic-speaking countries along the Mediterranean, leading into the vast Sahara Desert, almost the size of the USA. Below the Sahara lies the Sahel, a semi-arid region stretching over 3,000 miles, marking a transition in both landscape and cultural influences, with Islam being predominant in the north and more religious diversity in the south.
The lower two-thirds of Africa presents a rich diversity in landscapes and cultures. From temperate lands to jungles, deserts, and great lakes, the region extends nearly 5,000 miles from Tunisia in the north to South Africa. This diversity, however, came with challenges in domesticating plants and animals, unlike other regions where agriculture flourished. Africa’s unique fauna, like rhinos and giraffes, were not suitable for domestication, limiting the continent’s agricultural and military development. Additionally, Africa developed intense diseases like malaria and yellow fever, exacerbated by climate conditions and healthcare challenges.
The continent’s rivers, while impressive, are not conducive to navigation due to their steep descents and interrupted flows. For instance, the Zambezi River, despite its length and beauty, offers limited utility as a trade route. This, combined with the lack of a common language or dominant culture, hindered economic development and trade within Africa, unlike Europe or other large landmasses where trade and communication were more streamlined.
Despite geographical and linguistic barriers, African empires and city-states did emerge, like the Mali Empire and the city-state of Great Zimbabwe. However, these were isolated and limited in their technological advancements. The continent’s physical barriers, such as the vast oceans and the Sahara, impeded the exchange of ideas and technology, leaving many African cultures without advancements like writing, paper, gunpowder, or the wheel until external influences arrived.
Middle Eastern and Mediterranean traders began trading in the Sahara around 2,000 years ago, with the introduction of camels facilitating the salt trade. The Arab conquests in the seventh century CE marked a significant expansion southward, establishing a presence as far south as modern-day Nigeria by the eleventh century. Additionally, Arab traders made their way down the east coast, establishing footholds in areas like Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam in present-day Tanzania.
When Europeans arrived along the west coast of Africa in the fifteenth century, they encountered a coastline lacking natural harbors, unlike the jagged coastlines of Europe and North America. This, combined with the challenging rivers, climate, and diseases, limited their inland penetration to about 100 miles. Both the Arabs and Europeans brought advanced technology, which they largely kept to themselves, while extracting valuable natural resources and people from the continent.
Slavery was already present in Africa before the arrival of Arabs and Europeans. In the Sahel region, slaves were used to transport salt. However, Arabs initiated the practice of subcontracting slave-taking to African tribal leaders, who then delivered slaves to the coast. By the peak of the Ottoman Empire in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, hundreds of thousands of Africans, mostly from the Sudan region, had been taken across the Arabian world. European involvement in the slave trade soon followed, eclipsing the scale and brutality of the Arab and Ottoman slave trades.
The European powers, in cities like London, Paris, Brussels, and Lisbon, then began to carve up Africa, drawing arbitrary borders and creating countries such as Middle Congo and Upper Volta, without regard for the indigenous populations’ identities or preferences. These political boundaries, largely a product of European colonial ambitions, have become a lasting legacy, shaping modern Africa’s political geography. Despite this, Africans are striving to build modern homes and vibrant, connected economies within these constraints.
Today, there are fifty-six countries in Africa. Since the mid-twentieth century independence movements, some names and borders have changed, like Rhodesia becoming Zimbabwe. However, the borders drawn during colonial times have mostly remained intact. These borders often still represent the divisions created by colonialism, highlighting the enduring impact of this period on the continent.
The ethnic conflicts in countries like Sudan, Somalia, Kenya, Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, and Mali reveal the mismatch between European-drawn borders and the actual demographics of Africa. Historical conflicts, like those between the Zulus and Xhosas, were exacerbated by colonialism, which forced diverse groups into the European model of a nation-state. This led to modern civil wars, fueled by the imposition of artificial statehood and the emergence of dominant groups seeking control, often leading to violence.
Libya serves as a prime example of an artificially constructed nation. Its divisions into Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, and Fezzan, each with distinct orientations and affiliations, reflect historical separations. The region, previously divided by the Greeks, Romans, and Turks, struggled under the European concept of a unified Libya. The recent declaration of an ’emirate of Cyrenaica’ by Islamist groups in the east highlights the persistent divide and challenges in maintaining the unity of Libya.
The DRC also epitomizes the failure of European colonial borders in Africa. It remains engulfed in conflict and is a stark example of how forced borders can lead to a fragmented state plagued by internal strife and exploitation for its mineral wealth. The ongoing wars in the DRC, which have claimed six million lives since the late 1990s, make it one of the most under-reported war zones globally.
Despite its vast size, exceeding the combined area of Germany, France, and Spain, and housing the massive Congo Rainforest, the DRC is marred by division among over 200 ethnic groups and hundreds of languages. Its colonial past under Belgium was characterized by extreme brutality and exploitation, leaving behind a fragile foundation for nationhood. The civil wars in the DRC began immediately after Belgian withdrawal in 1960 and were later intensified by the global Cold War dynamics.
The DRC’s wealth in natural resources like cobalt, copper, diamonds, and gold, which have historically attracted external interests, continues to be a curse rather than a boon. Despite China being a major consumer of its exports, the DRC ranks near the bottom in the United Nations Human Development Index, with widespread poverty persisting.
The country’s instability is further complicated by its location, bordered by nine countries, each having played a part in the DRC’s turmoil. Known as ‘Africa’s world war’, the conflict in the DRC is deeply interconnected with regional dynamics, notably influenced by the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The lack of a strong central authority in the DRC makes it vulnerable to external influences and internal fragmentation, continuing its cycle of conflict and hardship.
In Rwanda, following a genocide, the Tutsi survivors and moderate Hutus established a Tutsi-led government. The Hutu militia, known as the Interahamwe, responsible for much of the genocide’s violence, retreated into the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). From there, they launched border raids and collaborated with parts of the DRC army to target Tutsis living in the border regions. This incursion prompted the Rwandan and Ugandan armies, supported by Burundi and Eritrea, to intervene. They confronted the Interahamwe and ultimately toppled the DRC government, gaining control over significant portions of the country’s natural resources. Rwanda, in particular, exploited coltan, a critical component in the manufacture of mobile phones and computer chips.
The conflict in the DRC was further complicated by the involvement of Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe, which supported the remnants of the DRC’s former government forces. This escalation turned the country into a massive battlefield, involving more than twenty different factions in the fighting. The wars have been devastating, with conservative estimates suggesting tens of thousands killed and an additional six million deaths from disease and malnutrition. Tragically, nearly half of these victims were children under five years old.
In recent times, the intensity of the conflict in the DRC has somewhat diminished. However, the region remains the site of the deadliest conflict since World War II. The United Nations has deployed its largest peacekeeping force there to avert the resurgence of full-scale warfare. The current focus is not on reconstructing the DRC as it was, because it never existed as a cohesive whole. Instead, the effort is to maintain peace among the disparate groups until a sustainable and peaceful solution for unity can be found. This situation in the DRC reflects a broader issue across Africa, where the legacy of European colonialism, marked by illogical and arbitrary state creations, continues to cause profound challenges and conflicts.
Africa’s abundant natural resources have been both a blessing and a curse. While these resources have the potential to enrich the continent, historically they have been exploited by external powers. In recent times, African nations have started to claim a share of these riches, and foreign investment has increased. However, the local populations often don’t see the benefits of this wealth.
The continent is also home to many great rivers, which, while not conducive to trade, hold potential for hydroelectric power generation. This potential, however, also poses risks of conflict. The Nile River, the world’s longest at 4,100 miles, is a crucial resource for the ten countries in its basin. For Egypt, which has a large population living in close proximity to the Nile, the river is a lifeline. Historically, Egypt’s lack of trees limited its naval capabilities, despite being an ancient civilization. Nowadays, Egypt faces challenges like feeding its large population, combating Islamist insurgency, and protecting the strategic Suez Canal, through which a significant portion of the world’s trade and oil supply passes.
A looming conflict over the Nile is likely to be with Ethiopia. The two nations, both with substantial military forces, may clash over water rights. The Blue Nile, originating in Ethiopia, meets the White Nile in Sudan and is a major contributor to the Nile’s flow into Egypt. Ethiopia’s highland rainfall feeds over twenty dams, making it known as ‘Africa’s water tower’.
Ethiopia, in partnership with China, began constructing the Grand Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile in 2011, set to complete by 2020. While the dam is intended for hydroelectric power and should not disrupt the flow to Egypt, it has the capacity to hold a year’s worth of water, giving Ethiopia control over the Nile’s flow. This development is a growing concern for Egypt, which relies heavily on the Nile. While Egypt currently has a stronger military, Ethiopia’s power is increasing, making direct military action a risky option for Egypt.
In the coming years, negotiations over the Nile’s water are expected to intensify. Egypt seeks firm assurances that its water supply from the Nile will not be disrupted. This situation is indicative of potential water conflicts globally, with the Nile dispute being a particularly critical one to monitor.
The issue of oil in Nigeria exemplifies the complexities of resource distribution and its impact on regional tensions. Nigeria, as the largest oil producer in sub-Saharan Africa, finds its oil wealth concentrated in the southern region. This geographical disparity has fueled discontent in the northern parts of the country, where people feel they do not receive a fair share of the oil profits. This situation exacerbates existing ethnic and religious tensions between the southern delta region and the northeastern areas.
Nigeria, with its significant population and natural resources, is a major power in West Africa. It was formed from the territories of several ancient kingdoms, unified under British colonial administration. Despite its independence and regional influence, Nigeria has struggled with mismanagement of its resources and people. The British colonial focus on the southwestern coastal areas left the central highlands and Muslim-dominated northern regions less developed, contributing to current regional disparities. The lucrative oil industry, particularly in the Niger Delta, has been plagued by corruption and conflict, including the activities of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta. This group, claiming to fight for the devastated delta region, has engaged in terrorism and extortion, including the kidnapping of foreign oil workers, which has deterred business investments in onshore oilfields.
The Islamist group Boko Haram, seeking to establish a caliphate in Muslim areas, has exploited the sense of injustice in the underdeveloped north to gain support. Primarily composed of ethnic Kanuris from the northeast, Boko Haram operates mainly within its home territory, posing a continuous threat to the local population and damaging Nigeria’s international reputation as a business destination. Their activities are largely concentrated in the villages along the Mandara mountains bordering Cameroon, challenging the Nigerian military with difficult terrain and local resistance.
Boko Haram’s influence, while significant in the north, does not currently threaten the existence of the Nigerian state or the capital, Abuja. However, their presence has implications for regional stability. Cameroon, while not welcoming Boko Haram, provides unintentional refuge due to its vast countryside. The conflict is expected to persist for several years, with Boko Haram potentially seeking alliances with jihadist groups in the Sahel region.
Internationally, the United States and France have been monitoring the situation, deploying surveillance drones and establishing military bases, including the US Africa Command in Djibouti, to address the growing threat of violence spreading from the Sahel/Sahara region into northern Nigeria. This has led to increased military involvement and coordination among Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, the United States, and France, recognizing the transnational nature of the security threat.
Down the Atlantic coast of Africa, Angola stands as the continent’s second-largest oil producer. This former Portuguese colony benefits from natural geographical borders, surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean, dense jungle to the north, and desert to the south, with rugged, sparsely populated land to the east. Most of Angola’s 22 million people live in the agriculturally viable western half, where its oilfields are also predominantly located. American companies largely own these offshore rigs, but over half of the oil is exported to China, making Angola a crucial supplier to the Asian giant.
Angola’s history is marred by conflict, beginning with a war for independence from Portugal in 1975, which quickly transitioned into a tribal civil war masked as an ideological battle. The war was a proxy conflict in the Cold War, with the Soviet Union and Cuba backing the socialist MPLA (mostly Mbundu tribe), and the USA and South Africa supporting the anti-Communist FNLA and UNITA (primarily Bakongo and Ovimbundu tribes). The MPLA eventually gained the upper hand, controlling key resources and locations. However, their victory was tainted by corruption and self-enrichment at the expense of the populace.
Chinese involvement in Africa is extensive and strategic. China sources about a third of its oil imports from Africa and is heavily invested in mining activities across the continent. In Kenya, China is involved in significant infrastructure projects, such as a $14 billion rail project linking Mombasa and Nairobi, which is expected to drastically reduce transport costs and time. This project is part of a broader plan to position Kenya as the economic hub of East Africa. Similarly, Tanzania is engaging with Chinese investment to develop its infrastructure, including expanding the Bagamoyo port to become Africa’s largest, enhancing its role in regional trade.
Despite these developments, Kenya is likely to remain the dominant economic power in East Africa, with a more efficient use of its resources and a stronger industrial and market system compared to Tanzania. China’s influence extends to Niger, where the Chinese National Petroleum Corporation is involved in oil exploration, and Angola, with investments exceeding $8 billion, including the modernization of the Benguela railway and construction projects in Luanda.
China’s approach to Africa prioritizes resource acquisition and political stability, often overlooking issues like human rights and economic reforms. This approach has led to strong ties with countries like Sudan, where China is the main trading partner and provides political support at international forums. However, this strategy may lead to future tensions between local populations and Chinese workers, potentially drawing Beijing further into local politics and necessitating a minor military presence in various countries to protect its interests and workforce.
China is South Africa’s largest trading partner, with a strong political and economic relationship bolstered by the presence of numerous Chinese companies in major South African cities. South Africa, ranking as the continent’s second-largest economy, boasts a robust economy, military, and a population of 53 million. Its advantageous geographical location at the southern tip of Africa, rich in natural resources like gold, silver, and coal, and conducive to large-scale food production, has contributed significantly to its development. Unlike many African countries, South Africa is largely free from malaria, allowing European colonists to settle and industrialize the region more efficiently, leading to its current status as southern Africa’s largest economy.
South Africa’s influence extends to its neighbors, with its transport system integrating the region. This system links its ports to countries northward, although the new Chinese-built railway from the DRC to Angola poses a challenge to South Africa’s dominance. Despite Angola’s growing stature, South Africa maintains near-total regional dominance, especially in military might.
Historically, control of South Africa meant dominance over the crucial sea lanes around the Cape of Good Hope. Even though modern navies have more options, the Cape remains strategically important, and South Africa continues to be a significant force in the region. The country plays a prominent role in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and has strategically positioned itself in the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region. It also views Tanzania as a key ally for extending its influence.
South Africa’s military presence in the DRC, under the guise of a UN mission, is driven by political motives to ensure a share in the DRC’s rich mineral resources. This involvement puts South Africa in competition with other regional players like Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi, each with their own interests in the DRC.
Africa’s evolution continues amidst globalization. The same rivers that once hindered trade now provide hydroelectric power, and the continent’s rich mineral and oil resources contribute to its wealth, albeit unevenly distributed. While poverty has decreased and healthcare and education have improved in many areas, the continent still struggles with corruption, dependency on global commodity prices, and several unresolved conflicts.
Infrastructure development, including roads and railways, is progressing, connecting the vast and diverse continent. Advances in air travel and industrial development have mitigated the geographical challenges posed by oceans and deserts. Optimism about Africa’s future persists, with hopes that the continent can overcome historical and natural challenges. This optimism is particularly crucial given the projected population growth in sub-Saharan Africa, expected to more than double by 2050.
Leave a Reply